US Special Envoy to Sudan, Scott Gration on Recent Trip to Africa

Gration visits Chad, Sudan, Qatar and Rwanda to push for peace in Sudan

ON-THE-RECORD BRIEFING Special Envoy to Sudan Scott Gration On His Recent Trip to Chad, Sudan, Qatar and Rwanda March 4, 2010 Washington, D.C.

(begin transcript)

MR. TONER: Good afternoon. It's my great pleasure to introduce to you our Special Envoy to Sudan Scott Gration, who is going to brief on his trip to Chad, Khartoum and the Nuba Mountains in Sudan, Doha, Qatar, and Rwanda.

And without further ado, I'll hand it over to him.

MR. GRATION: Thank you. Well, good afternoon.

QUESTION: Hello.

MR. GRATION: I did just return from a two-week trip to Chad, Sudan, Qatar, and Rwanda. The trip focused on pushing the Darfur peace process toward a solution and toward resolving the remaining CPA issues. My talks in N'Djamena with President Deby and other senior Chadian officials focused a lot on the recent Chad-Sudan agreement and on normalization of relations between these two countries.

These steps will absolutely be critical in resolving the Darfur conflict. I continued working on the Darfur peace process as I went to Sudan and to Qatar. In Doha, I was there when the Justice and Equality Movement and the Government of Sudan signed that landmark framework agreement and the ceasefire. We were actively engaged in that whole time that I was in Doha, sometimes late into the night with the Government of Sudan, the JEM, and with other armed movements in trying to get an inclusive process, one that would result in a comprehensive peace framework.

The framework that was signed between JEM and the Government of Sudan offers us an important opportunity to significantly reduce violence in Darfur. But it must include the other rebel groups to be all-inclusive. The United States has worked tirelessly with all the parties and with the international partners to facilitate the negotiations, to find the common ground between the rebel groups, and to speed this process toward an early agreement that can be implemented on the ground.

The United States supports a peace process that is inclusive, that is comprehensive. And we believe that the newly formed Liberation and Justice Movement, which represents most of the non-JEM rebels, must have a clear voice in the Doha negotiations. The Darfuri civil society, the IDPs, the diaspora, and the refugees must also have a voice in this process.

We wrapped up discussions on Darfur in Kigali. It was here where the six envoys from the P-5 countries plus the EU met for frank discussions with UN's top leadership from Sudan. In Kigali, we had an excellent opportunity to focus the international partners and UNAMID on their core mandate, which is to provide security and to protect the civilians in Darfur. While the agreements that are being negotiated in Doha are critical to achieving a lasting peace, the problems of banditry and lawlessness must be dealt with quickly if the people of Darfur are to see real improvement in their local security environment.

Although much of my trip concentrated on the developments of the Darfur peace process, I want to highlight today some of the positive progress that is being made on the CPA implementation. While in Sudan, I was able to travel to Juba, to Khartoum, and to the Nuba Mountains. And I spent a lot of time discussing the CPA issues with the NCP and with our friends in the south. We also had numerous meetings on the elections to make sure that we had an understanding of how they were progressing, and I'll be able to answer questions on those things in a minute.

Concerning the CPA, I want to congratulate the SPLM and the NCP for reaching agreements on resolving the census dispute. This was a big deal. We also saw great progress being made on the North-South border demarcation and on formally agreeing to enter discussions on the post-2011 arrangements. As you know, the national elections are scheduled for next month, and significant preparations have been made to ensure that the elections will really reflect the will of the people. But we remain concerned about some of the logistical challenges that must be resolved in the very near future.

I continue to urge authorities at all levels to make sure that every eligible Sudanese that has met the qualifications to vote has the right and the access to vote in this political process. Basic rights, freedoms of speech, of assembly, freedom of the press must be respected, and we're going to work to ensure that that's the case. There's a lot of work that must be done before April, but we're working with all the parties and with all of our partners to make sure it gets done.

I'll be leaving again this weekend to travel to Nairobi and Paris and Doha. In Nairobi, I'll be attending the IGAD summit on the CPA implementation. Then I'll head to Paris where I'll meet with French officials to discuss how we can work together to ensure success of the Chad-Sudan agreement, and to build on the ongoing peace process in Doha. I will then return to Doha to again help push those negotiations to fruition and a final agreement and to support the process to ensure that it is inclusive and comprehensive, and that it really does meet the needs and the requirements and the issues of the Darfuri people.

It's a crucial time for Darfur and for Sudan in general. We must not let this opportunity to promote Sudan-wide political transformation, to improve the overall security, to facilitate a lasting peace pass us by. We will not rest until we've done everything we can to secure a brighter future for the next generation of Sudanese. Failure in this case is not an option, and we'll strive for success.

I'm ready for your questions. Thank you.

QUESTION: There are reports of resurging - a resurgence in violence. Do you think the elections - crystal balling I suppose - or do you think that violence can put the elections off track, or is it sort of a rock of expectation?

MR. GRATION: That is a concern that we all have. As you know, that there has been a history of violence and inter-tribal and inter-communal tensions, and we are doing our best to make sure that to the maximum extent, that this - these conflicts are mitigated and that they don't interfere with the election process. We've talked with the Ministry of Interior and we've talked with the National Elections Commission and they have a plan to increase security using both security forces from the police and other forces to ensure that people can get to the polls, and that the polls are not interrupted by (inaudible) or mischief.

We will have monitors in place they come from the Carter Center, they come from the EU, the AU, and even internally to ensure that we can, to the maximum extent, (inaudible) to get ahead of these issues and bring the proper attention to areas where polling may be disrupted by violence, conflict, and insecurity.

QUESTION: Sure, the - as I'm sure you're aware, there's been some concern among some of the advocacy groups on Darfur about some of the stances that - some of the ways that the diplomacy has been pursued. On a more general point, I mean, how do you feel about how we should deal with the government in Khartoum in terms of whether to give incentives based on what's going on in Darfur? How do you feel about the balance between incentives and pressure in a broad sense?

MR. GRATION: Well, certainly, it's the responsibility of the government to provide security, to bring development to its people, to ensure that the Millennium Development Goals are turned into reality, that people have water, that they have food security, that they have gender equality and transportation, communications, and those issues. So certainly, we are going to be working and using pressures and incentives to make sure this takes place.

As you know, the agreements that will be reached in Doha will probably decrease the number of people going into camps. In other words, the lesser violence, the decreased fighting between rebel groups and the Sudanese armed forces will decrease the disruptions. But they really won't change the conditions that the people are currently living under. And the fact is we need a multipronged approach, one that brings a ceasefire, that brings stability, and brings peace at that top level. But we also have to make the changes that will result in a more secure environment for the people who now live in IDP camps, who live in these villages.

Gender-based violence still continues; that must stop. People's possessions are taken. They don't have their rights - human rights, in many cases. This has to be changed. And that's what we're trying to do now is to put into place systems of order, patterns of order, rule of law. We're trying to increase the capacity of UNAMID, the UN/UA forces that are there. And we're trying to set up programs that will allow the conditions that the people live in to be made better so that their future is brighter.

Yeah.

QUESTION: Could you talk - the agreement so far has been signed with the JEM, is that correct?

MR. GRATION: That's correct.

QUESTION: Right. What are the concrete obstacles to bringing in some of the other rebel groups to the peace agreement? Is it things that they want that the government's not offering? Is it vice versa or simply just logistical?

MR. GRATION: No, so far it's been two things that have stopped the progress. First of all, this was a framework agreement, the details of which are to be negotiated in Doha through the process that is run by the AU/UN negotiator Djibril Bassolé and facilitated by the Government of Qatar.

There are two issues that are hampering progress right now. The first is JEM wants to be exclusive; they either want to have everybody together under their leadership before they start, or they don't want the rebels to have a two-track or a parallel-track program. And I'm talking about the other rebels. The other rebels I'm referring to were rebels that were brought together in a unification effort in Addis Ababa and some effort - and some that were brought together through the efforts in Libya. All those rebels are now in Doha, or many of them are.

And the second issue, besides JEM's desire to be exclusive, is that the rebel groups themselves are having a little bit of difficulty in choosing a leader and in organizing themselves. So we're in - that's much of what I was doing there, trying to reach common ground, trying to bring the rebels together in a way so that they can represent their people and they can represent their causes with a single voice and be strong. At some point, we're going also have to bring in the views of the diaspora, the views of the civil societies, of the IDPs into this process, especially as we start talking about things like land reform and compensation and wealth sharing.

So the ceasefire can happen with the rebels, and that's the first agenda. And then things like power sharing can be done. But at some point, as we expand, we're going to have to expand and be more inclusive to people outside of Doha also.

QUESTION: Sorry, I just - if I could follow that up. You said, on the one hand, that JEM wants to be the exclusive representative of all the rebels. And then you said the non-JEM groups are having trouble finding their own representative, which suggests that there be two people negotiating with the government.

MR. GRATION: You hit it. You hit it.

QUESTION: So is it one or two? And if all the other non-JEM guys are trying to find one, and JEM says we want to be the only one, I mean, that seems a fairly insoluble -

MR. GRATION: No, you've hit the problem.

QUESTION: Right.

MR. GRATION: But there are several solutions. Obviously, the best solution is if everybody could come under the leadership of one individual, whether it's Khalil Ibrahim, whether it's Tijani Sesei or whoever it is, that would be the best thing because than you would have a single voice representing everybody.

There's a second option where you could have two tracks that are running in parallel, where the same issues are being discussed with the JEM and are being discussed with the other group. And as they reach agreement and common ground, the facilitators and negotiators can go back and forth and actually come up with an agreement that's put together in a parallel track, but essentially the agreement is one.

The other way you can do this is do it sequentially, where the JEM gets their big issues resolved, things like the ceasefire, finalization of prisoner release, and those issues that are unique to them. And then the other groups get their issues resolved, and then you somehow put that all together into a framework agreement and then - but the reality is that allows you to move forward with a peace deal in Darfur. But it's really not going to be a final peace deal until compensation is sorted out, until the power-sharing deals are worked out. Because as you probably know, many of the rebel groups, because they had an active militia, were not allowed to participate in the election process, and therefore they are not represented in this election.

There will probably have to be some way, whether the constitution is changed and seats are added in the interim period, whether there's an interim election - there's a lot of things that we can put into play or that, I should say, the negotiators can put into play that will allow people to be represented in this interim period in Darfur. These are issues that will be worked out.

And then the last issue is, of course, that no lasting peace and durable peace will be complete until there's an accommodation of justice and accountability, and those issues will also have to be included in the final arrangement.

A question in the back, sir.

QUESTION: Yes. Who will represent the U.S. at the donors conference for Darfur this month in Egypt?

MR. GRATION: We're still working out the details. There will be representation, whether it comes from USAID, or whether it comes from our office or whether it comes from another office. Those details are still being worked out. But as you know, we only just recently had - got the invitation and we do know that our representative, the U.S. representative to the OIC will be there. And the question is now what kind of technical support team will be put together to ensure that there's adequate support.

QUESTION: And do you expect the U.S. to contribute additional money for this - at this conference?

MR. GRATION: It would be difficult for me to speculate right now because we just have started this process and we've just got the invitation.

QUESTION: Thank you.

MR. GRATION: Yes, sir.

QUESTION: Senator Feingold, as you know, has been active on the subject --

MR. GRATION: Yes, sir.

QUESTION: -- and with 21 co-sponsors, I believe. The Senate has asked for enlarging international representation in this effort. Could you use some help from some other countries - well, not you particularly? But I mean, would that embellish opportunities for solving this problem?

MR. GRATION: Well, let me just give you some background. First of all, we totally agree that this problem is so big and so complex and so far-reaching that not only the parties have to be involved, but the region has to be involved, the Africa Union and all of Africa, and then the international partners have to be involved. So we totally agree with Senator Feingold. We totally agree with his analysis.

And let me tell you some of the things that we're doing already as we build this coalition. We have put together a group of envoys from the P-5. We call ourselves the E-6, because France, UK, China, Russia, the United States, and the European Union have special representatives, and we get together. In fact, we were together at Kigali, all of us, to discuss the issues having to do with Darfur and CPA implementation. We meet regularly and we also have video teleconferences and telephone.

In addition to that, as you know, the troika -- the U.S., Norway, and UK - were very influential in the birthing of the CPA. We've reinvigorated that process. And the troika meets regularly. We have a group called the Contact Group and - that works on financial issues and other issues, primarily in Europe, and that group, again, meets regularly at the staff level. As I said, I'm going to participate in IGAD, where the presidents and senior leaders from Ethiopia, Uganda, Kenya, and other IGAD countries are coming together, and we participate with them.

This problem is not something that's America's problem. It's something that the globe has to work on: the North-South issue, the CPA implementation, the general security issue, and certainly, Darfur. Development's going to be a key factor and we need security and development to go hand in hand. And this has to be an integrated not only within the U.S., but also with the partners of the region and the international community. We certainly agree with that and we'll support that.

Yes, sir.

QUESTION: In your travels - I may have missed it - but I don't think I recall hearing China mentioned. Can you discuss China's role, how actively they're engaged to help or not to help? And just bring us up to date on that aspect of the current situation.

MR. GRATION: Sure. I have made a trip to Beijing and have discussed these issues at very high levels within the Government of China. And when the Chinese delegation came over here to meet with the Secretary of State, Secretary Clinton invited me to join in on the segments that had to do with Sudan. So we've been involved at the government-to-government level.

I will also say that Ambassador Liu Guijin, who is the special representative of China to Sudan, and I have a relationship that goes back when he was in the Embassy, China Embassy in Kenya, and I was flying with the Kenya Air Force, so we've known each other for awhile. And we - he was at Kigali with me this last week, and we continue to have a relationship.

Let me just say this: that while we have differences at the tactical level, and certainly we have differences in terms of supporting the military aspects of the NCP, there is a strategic commonality in that China needs security and stability for its investments, the same security and stability that we need for our humanitarian goals and to ensure that the South is able to transition, should they choose that, in a way that's not violent. So we share common objectives in the region and we're working hard to ensure that we're working together in terms of development, humanitarian assistance and those kinds of things, that our plans are integrated, and that we're working together. And certainly on areas where we have differences, we continue to discuss this in an open and frank way.

QUESTION: You talk about the settlement requiring justice in the final analysis. I assume that also includes the dispensation of Bashir in the international courts. So where do you come down on that - on that particular case?

MR. GRATION: Well, certainly we believe that that issue is going to have to be resolved if we're going to have a lasting and durable peace. And so we support efforts to ensure that President Bashir answers the questions that the ICC has posed, and we support the process continuing as it's outlined in the international system. And that's - we'll have to see where that one goes. But certainly, there is no hesitancy on our part to support those.

QUESTION: If I could --

QUESTION: I'm sorry. Go ahead.

QUESTION: Just you're mentioning the talks about the CPA, how do you draw a balance between assessing the North-South issues and the Darfur issue? Do you get a sense that one needs to take precedence over the other?

MR. GRATION: Certainly in terms of importance, ensuring that the South has an opportunity to express its will through the referendum is very important. At the same time, there's an urgency of making sure that the conditions in Darfur are reversed - that people can have a brighter future, that they can have the opportunity to return or to stay in an urbanized environment. These things have to be worked at the same time. And we don't have the luxury of doing one and maybe the other. They have to be integrated, not only because we're running out of time but the two actually are integrated in many ways. There's a common border between Darfur and the South. And obviously, being able to come to a solution in the North, I believe will make things a lot easier in coming up to an accommodation with the South, especially on border issues, on sharing of wealth, and grazing and water and oil accommodation. All these issues have to be worked, and I believe they have to be worked in concert. And that's why our strategy is one that's comprehensive and it's one that's integrated and one that has a sense of urgency because the clocks are ticking.

QUESTION: Thank you.

MR. GRATION: Okay, thank you very much.

(end transcript)

(Source - Bureau of International Information Programs, U.S. Department of State. Web site: http://www.america.gov)

African Center Hosts Next Generation of African Military Leaders

WASHINGTON, D.C. March 2, 2010 – The Africa Center for Strategic Studies at the campus of the National Defense University at Fort Lesley J. McNair welcomed 65 military officers from 38 African nations to its 2010 Next Generation of African Military Leaders Course. The four-week leadership program will run through March 26 and will focus on enhancing professionalism, ethics and leadership in African militaries. The participating officers will examine Africa’s contemporary and emerging security threats and analyze civil-military relations on the continent to determine the role and place of professional military officers in advancing national security in democratizing states.

During his keynote address at the opening ceremony Brigadier General Dominique Djindéré, Chief of Defense Staff, Burkina Faso, addressed the subject of Africa’s Security Challenges and Senior Military Leadership.

Consisting of mostly majors and lieutenant colonels, the participating officers were selected by their respective countries by virtue of their command experience, staff responsibilities and leadership potential. Participants hail from: Benin, Botswana, Burkina Faso, Burundi, Cameroon, Cape Verde, Central African Republic, Comoros, Cote d’Ivoire, Djibouti, Ethiopia, Gabon, Guinea Bissau, Kenya, Lesotho, Liberia, Malawi, Mali, Mauritania, Mauritius, Morocco, Namibia, Nigeria, Republic of the Congo, Rwanda, Sao Tome and Principe, Senegal, Sierra Leone, South Africa, Southern Sudan, Swaziland, Tanzania, The Gambia, Togo, Uganda and Zambia. ###

US & Africa Closer Than You Would Think!

As Featured on Larry King Live Blog

http://larrykinglive.blogs.cnn.com/2010/03/01/lkl-blog-exclusive-us-africa-closer-than-you-would-think/

With several 10-hour direct flights to many capital cities on the continent, Africa isn’t as far from the U.S. as many Americans perceive it to be. The flight time from Washington, DC to Accra, Ghana is the same as that from Washington, DC to Honolulu, Hawaii. This comparison of physical distances also holds true for the virtual distances between the two regions, thanks in part to free markets and a globalized economy. Today we in America are able to patronize African coffee, jewelry, clothing, chocolates, roses, crude oil and thousands of other products as though they originated from our backyards while those in Africa benefit from U.S. government and private sector investments on a daily basis. As individuals and nations we are more closely linked than stereotypes would have us believe.

U.S. trade with sub-Saharan Africa has more than doubled since the African Growth & Opportunity Act (AGOA) was signed into law in 2000. According to the U.S. Department of Commerce (2008 report), U.S. imports from sub-Saharan Africa alone exceeded $86 billion, more than quadruple the amount in 2001. During the 2009 AGOA Forum in Nairobi, Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton acknowledged the interdependence between the United States and Africa with the following words, “America is Africa’s largest trading partner.”

The now outdated concept of a distant, so-called 3rd world (mostly used to describe Africa), is just one example of how people in economically advanced countries like the United States view themselves as being separated from Africa and the rest of the world. Of course skewed news media coverage of the African continent is partly responsible for this mindset. A paragraph from President Barack Obama’s Accra speech, July 11, 2009 accurately highlights the new realities of international relations and the bonds we share as individuals and nations in a much smaller, global community.

“The 21st century will be shaped by what happens not just in Rome or Moscow or Washington, but by what happens in Accra as well. This is the simple truth of a time when the boundaries between people are overwhelmed by our connections. Your prosperity can expand America's. Your health and security can contribute to the world, and the strength of your democracy can help advance human rights for people everywhere.” - President Barack Obama.

Americans who have served in U.S. Embassies abroad, in the U.S. Military or have represented their multinational corporations overseas have a better appreciation of America’s interdependence on Africa and the rest of the world and vice versa. With the current world economic order, the concept of a global village could not be truer and it calls for a totally different world view from everyone. I would even argue that the once lofty subject of international relations is no longer the exclusive domain of career diplomats and Foreign Service officials but rather every citizen of the world including the illiterate coffee farmer in a remote village in Uganda or Kenya whose crops find their way to the Starbucks shop near the White House in Washington, DC.


Djibouti is one of Africa’s most impoverished nations yet it is America’s most important African partner in the fight against global terrorism. Djibouti's strategic location between Somalia and Ethiopia makes it a perfect spot for U.S. military and intelligence operations. It sits at the intersection of the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden and within striking distance of Yemen and Somalia, the two main suspected havens of Al Qaeda followers. Camp Lemonnier, situated at the Djibouti-Ambouli International Airport is the only U.S. military infrastructure on the entire African continent today. Who would have thought that such an impoverished, mostly desert African nation would emerge as America’s key partner in the fight against global terrorism? On January 21st 2003, President George W. Bush met Djibouti’s President Ismail Guelleh in the Oval Office, and why would he not make this a priority since President Guelleh’s government hosts a major U.S. Military base. Of course hundreds of Djibouti nationals are also thankful to the United States for providing good jobs with the establishment of the military base, so it’s a win-win situation.

Africa is the second largest continent, home to 12% of the world’s total population (840million) and undisputedly the largest supplier of raw materials to industries around the world. Contrary to what many believe, U.S.-Africa engagement, which is not limited to governments, extends way beyond humanitarian assistance and conflict resolution to trade, industry, education, cultural exchanges and other mutually beneficial partnerships. Without even counting the ties America and Africa share through the Trans Atlantic slave trade, America’s bonds with Africa far outweigh the differences and distance that separate them and the two are much closer than we could ever imagine.

Africa is not that far you know!









About The Blogger

Frederick Nnoma-Addison is President & CEO of the Washington, DC based Africa Media-Image Project, an African interest news and media production organization working to bridge the information gap between the United States and African countries. He is the Author and publisher of a historic book that celebrates 50 years of U.S. - Ghana/Africa relations. http://www.usafricapicturebook.org

Ambassador Carson Remarks

Remarks for the Africa Society’s Ambassador Andrew Young Lecture Series
Embassy of the Republic of Ghana - February 25, 2010, 6:30 p.m.

Thank you all for your kind invitation to come and speak at The Africa Society’s Ambassador Andrew Young Lecture Series. I would like to thank the sponsors of tonight’s event: MARS Incorporated, the Africa Society, and the Embassy of Ghana. Ambassador Agyekum (pronounced: a-jay-koom), thank you for that thoughtful introduction, and congratulations to you on the presentation of your credentials to President Obama yesterday. I hope you will enjoy your tour of duty in Washington, and I look forward to working with you over the next several years. I also want to thank Bernadette Paolo, the President of the Africa Society, and the many other members who are here, including Chairman Noah Samara.

I also wish to extend warm greetings to the other distinguished members of the African diplomatic corps here this evening, as well as the members of the press, academia, NGOs, and others interested in Africa. Thank you all for being here this evening.

It is a real pleasure for me to join you today to talk about a topic that I have devoted much of my professional life to – strengthening the United States relationship with Africa.

As many of you know, I have spent much of my career working in and on Africa, from volunteering for the Peace Corps in Tanzania to holding the position of U.S. Ambassador in Kenya, Zimbabwe, and Uganda. I am honored to be serving as Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs in this administration.

President Obama has a strong interest in Africa and has prioritized Africa among our top foreign policy concerns. This has been evident throughout his first year in office.

The President’s visit to Ghana last July, the earliest visit made by a U.S. president to the continent, underscores Africa’s importance to the U.S. Last September, at the UN General Assembly, the President hosted a lunch with 26 African heads of state. He has also met in the oval office with President Kikwete of Tanzania, President Khama of Botswana, and Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangarai. And the President invited dozens of people to the White House to see him give a Zimbabwean women’s group the Robert H. Kennedy Prize for Political Courage.

All of the President’s senior foreign policy advisors have followed his lead—many of them travelling to Africa as well. The U.S. Permanent Representative to the United Nations -- my former boss and close colleague Ambassador Susan Rice -- visited five African countries last June, including Liberia and Rwanda. Deputy Secretary of State Jack Lew traveled to Ethiopia and Tanzania in June 2009. Last August, Secretary Clinton and I embarked on an 11-day, seven-country trip across the continent. And last month Undersecretary of State for Democracy and Global Affairs Maria Otero headed the U.S. delegation to the African Union Summit in Addis Ababa, where we discussed a range of issues including democracy and governance, climate change, and food security.

From Ethiopia, I travelled to Ghana, Togo, Benin, and Nigeria where I met with senior government officials and members of civil society. We discussed the need for free, fair, and transparent elections. We also talked about other issues such as regional stability, economic development, and responsible use of resource revenues. I stressed the need for governments, particularly those that have discovered large quantities of oil like Ghana and Uganda, to use their new found wealth responsibly. How these governments manage these resources and the money they receive from them will have a major impact on future political and economic development in those countries. President Obama has said repeatedly that the United States views Africa as our partner and as a partner of the international community. While Africa has very serious and well-known challenges to confront, the President and Secretary Clinton are confident that Africa and Africans will rise to meet and overcome these challenges.

Last June when the President was in Ghana, he said, “We believe in Africa's potential and promise. We remain committed to Africa's future. We will be strong partners with the African people.” Africa is essential to our interconnected world, and our alliance with one another must be rooted in mutual respect and accountability. I echo the President’s sentiment that U.S. policy must start from the simple premise that Africa’s future is up to Africans.

The Obama Administration is committed to a positive and forward looking policy in Africa.

It is committed to substantial increases in foreign assistance for Africa, but we know that additional assistance will not automatically produce success across the continent. Instead, success will be defined by how well we work together as partners to build Africa’s capacity for long-term change and ultimately the elimination of the continued need for such assistance. As Africa’s partner, the United States is ready to contribute to Africa’s growth and stabilization, but ultimately, African leaders and countries must take control of their futures.

Just like the United States is important to Africa, Africa is important to the United States. The history and heritage of this country is directly linked to Africa; President Obama’s direct family ties to the continent are a testimony to this. But the significance and relevance of Africa reaches far beyond ethnicity and national origin. It is based on our fundamental interests in promoting democratic institutions and good governance, peace and stability, and sustained economic growth across Sub Saharan Africa. All of these interests affect the United States. The U.S. will focus on these areas and others that are critical to the future success of Africa.

FIRST

We will work with African governments, the international community, and civil society to strengthen democratic institutions and protect the democratic gains made in recent years in many African countries. A key element in Africa’s transformation is sustained commitment to democracy, rule of law, and constitutional norms. Africa has made significant progress in this area. Botswana, Ghana, Tanzania, Mauritius, and South Africa are a few examples of countries showing that commitment. But progress in this area must be more widespread across Africa.

Some scholars and political analysts are saying that democracy in Africa has reached a plateau, and that we may be witnessing the beginning of a democratic recession. They point to flawed presidential elections in places like Kenya, Ethiopia and Zimbabwe; the attempts by leaders in Niger, Uganda, and Cameroon to extend their terms of office; and the re-emergence of military interventionism in Guinea-Conakry, Madagascar, and just last week in Niger.

Moreover, democracy remains fragile or tenuous in large states like the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Sudan, and arguably Africa’s most important country, Nigeria.

Nigeria continues to experience political tensions caused by the prolonged illness of President Yar’Adua. The United States welcomes President Yar’Adua’s recent return to Nigeria. However, we remain concerned that there may be some in Nigeria who are putting their personal ambitions above the health of the President and more importantly ahead of the political stability and political health of the country.

Nigeria is simply too important to Africa and too important to the U.S. and the international community for us not to be concerned and engaged. Widespread instability in Nigeria could have a tsunami-like ripple effect across West Africa and the global community.

During my recent visit to Nigeria, I was encouraged by the steps Nigeria’s elected officials at the national and state level had taken to elevate Goodluck Jonathan to Acting President. But today Nigeria may be marching towards a crossroads and it is critically important that all of Nigeria’s leaders act responsibly, that they stay on the democratic road, and that they choose constitutional rule over the uncertain path of conflict.

Nigeria and other African countries need civilian governments that deliver services to their people, independent judiciaries that respect and enforce the rule of law, professional security forces that respect human rights, strong and effective legislative institutions, a free and responsible press, and a dynamic civil society. All of these things are needed for a stable and prosperous Africa. All of these things are needed to secure Africa’s future.

The political and economic success of Africa depends a great deal on the effectiveness, sustainability, and reliability of its democratic institutions. Over the next two years, 27 countries in sub-Saharan Africa will hold elections. We encourage those governments to get it right. To level the playing field, clean up the voter rolls, open up the media, count the votes fairly, and give democracy a chance.

Although elections are but one component in the process of democratization, there is a strong correlation between electoral processes, including strong and independent electoral institutions, successful elections, and efforts to consolidate democracy. And there is strong evidence that suggests that democratic governments perform better economically.

The U.S. will continue to work with Africans, as partners, to build stronger democratic institutions and to advance democracy in Africa. It is a major priority.

SECOND

Africa’s future success and global importance are dependent on its continued economic progress. Working alongside African countries to promote and advance sustained economic development and growth is another Obama administration priority. Africa has made measurable inroads to increase prosperity. Countries like Mauritius, Ghana, Rwanda, Botswana, Tanzania, Uganda, and Cape Verde have made significant economic strides. Yet Africa remains the poorest and most vulnerable continent on the globe. To help turn this situation around, we must work to revitalize Africa’s agricultural sector, which employs more than 70 percent of Africans directly or indirectly.

The U.S. is committed to supporting a new Global Hunger and Food Security Initiative, focusing predominantly on reducing hunger, poverty and under-nutrition.

This 3.5 billion dollar Food Security Initiative will also supply new methods and technologies to African farmers. The initiative was developed to help enhance Africa’s ability to meet its food needs and reduce its reliance on imported food commodities. It will also enable African states to further develop their agricultural industries, and by doing so it can spur economic growth across the continent.

Now is the time for a Green Revolution in African agriculture. Through innovative approaches and nontraditional technology, we can improve the lives of millions of people across the continent.

I was encouraged by Malawi’s election as the next chair of the African Union.

Malawi has made great progress in the field of agriculture and has indicated that it plans to use its chairmanship of the AU to advance agriculture in Africa. Countries that can feed themselves are stronger, more stable, and better able to weather economic downturns.

The U.S. also wants to strengthen its trading relationship with Africa. We already have strong ties in energy, textiles, and transportation equipment. But we can and should do more. The Obama administration is committed to working with our African partners to maximize the opportunities created by our trade preference programs like AGOA. And we hope more African nations will take advantage of AGOA.

We also continue to explore ways to promote African private sector growth and investment, especially for small and medium-sized businesses.

In the midst of these efforts, we cannot forget the critical role African women play as producers and agricultural traders – they must take part in this economic growth. We must ensure that African women are an equal part of Africa’s economic future and success.

THIRD

Historically the United States has focused on public health and health-related issues in Africa. We are committed to continuing that focus. We will work side-by-side with African governments and civil society to ensure that quality treatment, prevention, and care are easily accessible to communities throughout Africa.

From HIV/AIDS to malaria, Africans endure and suffer a multitude of health pandemics that weaken countries on many fronts.

Sick men and women cannot work and contribute to the economy. They cannot serve in the armed forces or police and they cannot provide for the security of their counties.

To help solve the health crisis that is occurring throughout the entire continent, Africans as well as the international community must invest in public health systems, in training more medical professionals, and must ensure that there are good jobs and well-paying opportunities in their own countries for doctors and nurses once they are trained. We must also focus on maternal and infant health care, which are closely related to several Millennium Development Goals.

The Obama administration will continue the PEPFAR Program and the Bush administration’s fight against HIV/AIDS. In addition to combating HIV/AIDS, malaria, TB, and polio, the Obama administration has pledged $63 billion to meet public health challenges throughout Africa.

FOURTH

The U.S. is committed to working with African states and the international community to prevent, mitigate, and resolve conflicts and disputes. Conflict destabilizes states and borders, stifles economic growth and investment, and robs young Africans of the opportunity for an education and a better life. Conflict sets back nations for a generation. Throughout Africa, there has been a notable reduction in the number of conflicts over the past decade.

The brutal conflicts in Sierra Leone and Liberia have come to an end, and we have seen Liberia transform itself into a democracy through the election of Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, Africa’s first female head of state. These examples of what can be accomplished in a short period of time should make us proud and hopeful for solving the problems of seemingly intractable conflicts elsewhere.

However, areas of turmoil and political unrest such as Guinea, Somalia, Sudan, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Niger and Madagascar create both internal and regional instability. Furthermore, we must not forget the extreme harm inflicted by gender-based violence and the recruitment of child soldiers. The Obama administration is working to end these conflicts so that peace and economic progress can replace instability and uncertainty.

President Obama has demonstrated his commitment to work with African leaders to help resolve these conflicts through the appointment of the Special Presidential Envoy for Sudan, General Scott Gration, whose mandate is to ensure the full implementation of the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement. The Special Advisor for the Great Lakes former Congressman Howard Wolpe is also working to bring peace and stability to the Eastern Congo.

We will also continue our cooperation with regional leaders to look for ways to end Somalia’s protracted political and humanitarian crisis. We continue to call for well-meaning actors in the region to support the Djibouti Peace process of inclusion and reconciliation, and to reject those extremists and their supporters that seek to exploit the suffering of the Somali people.

Additionally, the United States is proactive in working with African leaders, civil society organizations, and the international community to prevent new conflicts. We are cooperating with African leaders to defuse possible disagreements before they become sources of open hostility. As we pursue these avenues of promoting stability and peace in Somalia, we are also shouldering the lion’s share of humanitarian assistance to the people of Somalia.

The United States consistently has been the largest single country donor of humanitarian assistance to Somalia, providing more than $150 million in humanitarian assistance in 2009.

FIFTH:

We will seek to deepen our cooperation with African states to address both old and new transnational challenges. The 21st century ushered in new transnational challenges for Africa and the world. Africa’s poverty puts it at a distinct disadvantage in dealing with major global and transnational problems like climate change, narco-trafficking, trafficking in persons and arms, and the illegal exploitation of Africa’s minerals and maritime resources.

Meeting the climate and clean energy challenge is a top priority for the United States and the Obama Administration. Climate change affects the entire globe; its potential impact on water supplies and food security can be disastrous. As President Obama said in Ghana, “while Africa gives off less greenhouse gasses than any other part of the world, it will be the most threatened by climate change.” Often those who have contributed the least to the problem are the ones who are affected the most by it, and the United States is committed to working with Africans to find viable solutions to adapt to the severe consequences of climate change.

The effects of climate change are clear: the snow cap of Mount Kilimanjaro is melting and Lake Chad is a fraction of the size it was 35 years ago. With our international partners, the United States is working to build a sustainable, clean energy global economy which can drive investment and job creation around the world, including bringing energy services to the African continent.

There is no time like the present to face this issue as it carries tremendous consequences for the future of our children, grandchildren and our planet.

Narco-trafficking is a major challenge for Africa and the world. If we do not address it, African countries will be vulnerable to the destabilizing force of narcotics trafficking in the years ahead. As Africa faces the impact of these new transnational problems, the United States will actively work with leaders and governments across the continent to confront all issues that are global in nature.

I would now like to turn to our new programs and initiatives, which work to implement our policies to move our partnership with Africa forward. We are establishing in-depth, high level dialogues with South Africa, Angola, Nigeria, and with the African Union.

We are increasing our cooperation with other countries interested in Africa such as Canada, the UK, France, China, Japan, and multilateral bodies like the EU.

We also hope that increased funding for projects and programs in Africa, as requested in the 2011 budget, will be approved by Congress. With enhanced resources we can further strengthen our partnership with Africa.

Finally, one of my personal goals is to expand our diplomatic presence in Africa. I am working with the Administration and Congress to increase resources – both funding and people – at our embassies and consulates. I want more American diplomats living and working in Africa. An increased diplomatic presence is important for our mutual progress on all of these pressing issues. It is my sincere desire to open more consulates in Africa, which will enable us to reach your citizens beyond the capital cities.

We must be in Mombasa as well as Nairobi, we must be in Goma as well as Kinshasa, and we will be in Kano as well as Abuja.

We must also do a better job of using our diplomatic presence on the continent to listen to the people of Africa and learn from them how we can better work together on the challenges they face.

The Obama administration believes in and is committed to Africa’s future. As global citizens interested in Africa, I appreciate your commitment to this shared vision and your willingness to work together toward a future that brings better governance, expanded democracy, and greater prosperity to Africa’s people.

Thank you very much for your time, thank you for this invitation, and now I turn it over to you for questions.

World Bank African Diaspora Program (ADP)

Washington, DC - Thursday February 25, 2010 (World Bank Headquarters)
The World Bank Africa Region has hosted its second Diaspora Open House as part of its efforts to continue harnessing the strengths of the Diaspora community for development in Africa. The day long event which was themed " Mobilizing the African Diaspora for Development" was attended by some 250 participants from public, private and non-profit sectors, diplomatic corps and other constituencies within the Diaspora community.

There to Address the opening ceremony were the Bank's Vice President for the Africa Region (Oby Ezekwesili), Managing Director (Ngozi Okonjo-Iwaela), Sierra Leone Ambassador to the United States (H.E. Bockari Kortu Stevens), Director, Citizens & Diaspora Directorate, African Union Commission (Dr. Jinmi Adisa) and African Diaspora Program (ADP)Adviser (Richard Cambridge).

During her opening remarks Ms. Ezekwesili reported on the progress made and challenges encountered in the implementation of ADP programs like the Africa Remittances Institute (Addis Ababa), Africa Diaspora Health Initiative, Institutional Development Fund and Diaspora Organization Grant Service. She was candid about areas where the Bank had been unable to achieve her goals and provided good reasons.

Ms. Okonjo-Iwaela used her speaking opportunity to clarify the Bank's reason for engaging the Diaspora community explaining that ADP was not about opportunities for individuals but rather about mobilizing resources for development in Africa. She requested specific input from participants in creating safety nets and assistance programs for the most vulnerable communities in Africa during crisis periods.

Afternoon panel sessions were held under themes like Micro-finance and Diaspora Engagement in home countries (DMADE Experience), the evolving World Bank Strategy in Africa and remittances.

The Africa Region of the World Bank launched the African Diaspora Program in September 2007 with three main objectives.

i. Diaspora engagement policy development and implementation
ii. Finance, particularly leveraging of remittances for development
iii. Human capital development for "brian gain"


Welcome Remarks
Oby Ezekwesili, Vice President, Africa Region (World Bank)






























Special Remarks
Ngozi Okonjo-Iwaela, Managing Director (World Bank)

Following Ambassador Johnnie Carson

Washington, DC - In an unprecedented attempt to effectively share the Obama Administration's foreign policy for Africa to the widest possible audience, U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs, Ambassador Johnnie Carson has concluded a series of public events with an Ambassador Andrew Young Lecture Series held at the Embassy of the Republic of Ghana (Washington, DC). This event organized by the Africa Society of the National Summit on Africa comes after Ambassador Carson's just ended tour of five African nations; Ethiopia, Ghana, Togo, Benin, and Nigeria (January 26 to February 10). Immediately following his return from Africa and prior to the Ghana Embassy event he spoke at the George Washington University Elliot School of International Affairs and the Foreign Press Center.

Coverage of Ambassador Carson's George Washington University program is available in a separate post dated February 18, 2010 under the heading "Ambassador Johnnie Carson ON Policy Guidelines For Africa." Transcript of his exchange with journalists is available at http://fpc.state.gov/137225.htm



February 18 - George Washington University



February 24 - Foreign Press Center

















February 25 - Embassy of Ghana (Africa Society Ambassador Andrew Young Lecture Series)

[Full transcript of Ambassador Carson's speech is available in a separate post dated February 26, 2010 - Under the heading "Ambassador Carson Remarks"]

Ambassador Daniel Ohene Agyekum (USA)

Washington, DC. Thursday February 25, 2010 - On his first official day as Ghana’s Ambassador to the United States, H.E. Daniel Ohene Agyekum expressed optimism about the future of Ghana and U.S. relations during his time in Washington saying that as Ghana’s envoy, he will do all within his power to engage public-private sectors and the Ghanaian Diaspora to further promote Ghana’s economic development.

In his first interview since his arrival in Washington, DC in January 2010, he told AMIP News about the state of the nation (Ghana) when the NDC government took office in January 2009, acknowledged the economic and development challenges facing his government and nation as well as the new opportunities available. “One of the ways to continue growing our economy is to generate new foreign direct investment (FDI) and as Ambassador that will be one of my priority areas. With new investments comes industries and job which is one area we really need to address.”

Asked about his confidence in the ability of his government to deliver on their promise he was unflinching, “every government will be judged by the people therefore it is extremely important that we meet the expectations of Ghanaians during the period we have been elected into power, and we do have the leadership to do so. With the discovery of oil and natural gas, Ghana has a fine chance to address the major economic challenges and I expect that the resources will be used for that purpose.”

Ambassador Ohene Agyekum together with seven other envoys presented letters of credentials to President Barack Obama at the Oval Office (White House) on Wednesday February 24th in what he described as, “a very simple but colorful ceremony.”

The role of Ambassador is not new to Ohene Agyekum, he served as Ghana’s Ambassador to Canada in the 90s. The Ghanaian community in the United States wishes him a warm welcome and a productive time in Washington.

F. Nnoma-Addison