Photo courtesy of zimbio.com
United Nations
New York City
September 26, 2012
Secretary General, thank you for calling this meeting and co-chairing
it along with so many distinguished heads of state and government and
ministers and excellencies. And let me recognize the leadership of
President Hollande. I think we all respond to President Hollande’s sense
of urgency and passion, and therefore, it is imperative that we leave
this special high-level meeting resolved to immediately get to work. And
it is the work that should begin in the Security Council to consider
the various proposals by ECOWAS, France, and others because the chaos
and violence in Mali does threaten to undermine the stability of the
entire region. We all know too well what is happening in Mali, and the
incredible danger posed by violent extremists imposing their brutal
ideology, committing human rights abuses, destroying irreplaceable
cultural heritage.
But it’s not only the violent extremists. We now have drug
traffickers and arms smugglers finding safe havens and porous borders,
providing them a launching pad to extend their reach throughout not only
the region, but beyond. And nearly 500,000 people have been displaced
from their homes, and 4.5 million more are suffering from dwindling food
supplies. This is not only a humanitarian crisis; it is a powder keg
that the international community cannot afford to ignore.
The United States supports the appointment of a senior UN envoy
empowered to lead a comprehensive international effort on Mali and the
creation of a diplomatic core group. This effort must include
coordinating the delivery of emergency aid, helping address longstanding
political grievances of ethnic groups in the north, and preparing for
credible elections. We need to bring together all of the nations
affected, and I appreciated President Yayi’s very strong statement about
what is at stake for the countries of the region, and also his speaking
on behalf of the African Union. The African Union must be at the table,
ECOWAS must be at the table, because these are complex and
interconnected security, political, and humanitarian challenges.
The United States has already provided more than $378 million to meet
the escalating humanitarian needs in the Sahel, and we call on all
parties to ensure unhindered access so that emergency aid meets those
who need it most. We encourage fellow donors to increase their pledges
and follow through quickly and fully. The need is urgent and growing.
It is also critical for all the actors in the region to redouble
their efforts to develop a sound approach to tackling what is happening
coming over their borders. We have to train the security forces in Mali,
help them dislodge the extremists, protect human rights, and defend
borders. We have seen the success of African-led efforts to do just that
in Somalia and in Cote d’Ivoire and elsewhere. We need to now get about
the business of examining seriously proposals to do the same. Because
in the end, only a democratically elected government will have the
legitimacy to achieve a negotiated political settlement in Northern
Mali, end the rebellion, and restore the rule of law. So it is
imperative that the interim government meet the April deadline for
holding elections that are fair, transparent, and free of influence by
the military junta. And all parties must do more to protect human rights
and punish abuses.
But let us be clear. What is happening inside Mali is augmented by
the rising threat from violent extremism across the region. For some
time, al-Qaida in the Islamic Maghreb and other groups have launched
attacks and kidnappings from northern Mali into neighboring countries.
Now, with a larger safe haven and increased freedom to maneuver,
terrorists are seeking to extend their reach and their networks in
multiple directions. And they are working with other violent extremists
to undermine the democratic transitions underway in North Africa, as we
tragically saw in Benghazi.
This is a threat to the entire region and to the world, and most
particularly, to the people in the region themselves who deserve better.
They deserve better from their leaders and they deserve better from the
international community. The United States is stepping up our
counterterrorism efforts across the Maghreb and Sahel, and we’re working
with the Libyan Government and other partners to find those responsible
for the attack on our diplomatic post in Benghazi and bring them to
justice. But we are also expanding our counterterrorism partnerships to
help countries meet their own growing threats. We’re taking aim at the
support structure of al-Qaida and its affiliates – closing safe havens,
cutting off finances, countering their ideology and denying them
recruits. Let me mention briefly three initiatives.
First, our Trans-Sahara Counterterrorism Partnership is now helping
build the capacity of 10 countries across the region, providing training
and support so they can tighten border security, disrupt terrorist
networks, and prevent attacks. This program brings together civilian,
law enforcement, and military experts to pursue a comprehensive approach
to counterterrorism.
Second, we are expanding our work with civil society organizations in
specific terrorist hotspots – particular villages, prisons, and schools
– trying to disrupt the process of radicalization by creating jobs,
promoting religious tolerance, amplifying the voices of the victims of
terrorism.
And third, we are working with our partners to reform security
services and strengthen the rule of law. For example, Tunisia has agreed
to host a new international training center that will help police,
prosecutors, and other criminal justice officials across the region move
away from the repressive approaches that helped fuel radicalization in
the past, and instead develop strategies grounded in the rule of law and
respect for human rights.
Ultimately, our perspective is that strengthening democratic
institutions must be at the heart of our counterterrorism strategy. It
is democracies that offer their citizens constructive outlets for
political grievances, create opportunities for upward mobility and
prosperity, and are clear alternatives to violent extremism. And their
success offers a powerful rejection of the extremist ideology of hate
and violence as we also saw in Benghazi last week.
So all this work, from meeting the humanitarian crisis in the Sahel
to bringing stability back to Mali to combating violent extremism across
the region is a shared responsibility. And there is no place where that
shared responsibility can be actualized other than the United Nations.
So in the days and weeks ahead, I look forward to deepening our
cooperation and accelerating our common action. I personally don’t
believe we have any time to waste.
Thank you. (Applause.)
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